I spent 4 1/2 hours out on the field yesterday....studying and just enjoying the summer-like weather that we have been having. I spent the majority of my time studying the battery of James A. Hall. I guess Hall's Battery has been one of those batteries that I thought I knew a lot about...but until I did a detailed study of his actions, I didn't really understand just what Hall went through on July 1.
First, we have to understand that Hall was sent in with Cutler's brigade. As a matter of fact, when he was sent (by Reynolds) to relieve Calef, he had actually cut off the 147th NY from advancing with the rest of their brigade....which is probably why they ended up in the weird position that they ended up in.
But Hall's 2nd Maine Battery was placed on McPherson's Ridge. 2 of the guns were placed on the south side of Chambersburg Pike and 4 were placed on the north side. The six guns that Hall brought to the battle were 3-inch Ordnance Rifles.
The fighting in and of itself was complicated and hard to explain, but to make a long story short, Hall and his men were fighting the brigades of Davis and Archer. The fighting was short but intense. Many of Hall's men were wounded. I've read two different accounts as to how many men were killed: one source says 0 and the other source says 2. Hall also lost many of his horses.
After seeing the 76th NY and 56th PA retreating, Hall decided to pull his men out. What he didn't realize was that the 147th NY was still on the other side of the railroad cut. They ended up isolated and having to fight their way back to safety. Hall pulled his men out two guns at a time. The big problem was that by the time the last two guns went to pull out, there was no infantry to help cover their retreat. The final gun had to be abandoned after all the horses were shot.
Hall was able to pull his men all the way back to the eastern side of the Seminary. It took about an hour, but one of the other regiments was able to retrieve the lost gun for Hall.
They then retreated back to Cemetery Hill and that is where they stayed for that day and the next. Today, the Lincoln Speech Memorial is at the location of where Hall's battery was held. By the time they arrived at Cemetery Hill, they only had three of their guns in working order.
Hall's battery is just a small sample of the stories that we can find on the battlefield, whether its Gettysburg or any other battlefield from the Civil War. These guys fought hard. They sacrificed much. I'm so glad that today, we can go out on the field and learn about the sacrifices of these men....North or South. They gave so much that today I consider them ALL my heroes.
Showing posts with label Soldiers. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Soldiers. Show all posts
Tuesday, April 6, 2010
Monday, March 22, 2010
David McMurtrie Gregg
On July 3, 1863, the battle was going full fledged in Gettysburg. During the morning hours, Union General David McMurtrie Gregg's 2nd Cavalry Division was guarding the Baltimore Pike in case the Confederate's decided to attack the rear of the Union army. But Gregg looked at the maps that he had and decided that Baltimore Pike was NOT the place to be.....he felt that he needed to be on the Hanover Road. Hanover Road was the place that he felt was going to be attacked by the Confederates. And the feeling never left him.
Gregg let's General Alfred Pleasonton know that he is not comfortable guarding Baltimore Pike and that he feels the real threat is Hanover Road. Pleasonton doesn't agree with him. He tells Gregg to stay right where he is and to follow the orders given to him. Then Pleasonton tells him to get one of Kilpatrick's brigades and to place it on the Hanover Road. Gregg sends an aide to Two Taverns (which is where Kilpatrick was last located). When the aide gets to Two Taverns, the only brigade left in Two Taverns is Custer. So Custer comes to the rescue and moves his men to the corner of Hanover Road and Low Dutch Road.

Photo: David McMurtrie Gregg and his staff (Gregg, seated on right)
Thanks to Gregg's gut feeling and Custer's being eager to do whatever he could to fight, this move may have saved the Union right. To make a long story short, the battle takes place and thanks to the crazy charges made by Custer, the Confederates are forced back and that is where they stay until the Confederates leave Gettysburg.
Gregg let's General Alfred Pleasonton know that he is not comfortable guarding Baltimore Pike and that he feels the real threat is Hanover Road. Pleasonton doesn't agree with him. He tells Gregg to stay right where he is and to follow the orders given to him. Then Pleasonton tells him to get one of Kilpatrick's brigades and to place it on the Hanover Road. Gregg sends an aide to Two Taverns (which is where Kilpatrick was last located). When the aide gets to Two Taverns, the only brigade left in Two Taverns is Custer. So Custer comes to the rescue and moves his men to the corner of Hanover Road and Low Dutch Road.

Photo: David McMurtrie Gregg and his staff (Gregg, seated on right)
Thanks to Gregg's gut feeling and Custer's being eager to do whatever he could to fight, this move may have saved the Union right. To make a long story short, the battle takes place and thanks to the crazy charges made by Custer, the Confederates are forced back and that is where they stay until the Confederates leave Gettysburg.
Monday, February 8, 2010
Alexander S. Webb - Forgotten Hero

Quite often as I study the Battle of Gettysburg, I stumble across people who performed unquestionable loyalty to their country. These are people who go above and beyond their duties....or they perform their duties in such a courageous way that they are almost larger than life. Occasionally one of these people really, really catches my eye....and my heart. One of these people happens to be Alexander Stewart Webb....a brigade commander in the 2nd Corps under the leadership of Winfield Scott Hancock.
First, let me repeat what Edwin Coddington states in his book about what Webb did at Gettysburg on the 3rd day during Pickett's Charge. On page 517, this is what is said:
As Webb struggled to rally his troops, for a time he despaired of preventing a major breakthrough and feared personal disgrace for himself and disaster for the Army of the Potomac. Refusing to give up, he set an example of bravery and undaunted leadership for his men to follow, although many of them barely recognized him since he had been appointed their commander but a few days before. To organize a counterattack he rushed back to his reserve regiment, the 72nd Pennsylvania, which was several hundred feet behind his line. In the confusion Webb neglected to go through channels and give Lieutenant Colonel Theodore Heiser the order to charge. Instead, he himself shouted out the order; when the soldiers did not budge, Webb in desperation seized the regimental standard and tried to drag the color bearer ahead in hopes of getting the regiment to follow. The bearer apparently not knowing him, pulled back and then, riddled by bullets, fell over head. Finally the men advanced a few paces and fired at the Confederates. They refused to go any farther, however, and steadfastly remained in a position about 250 feet back from the wall, where though without protection they kept up their fire.
Webb, almost frantic, then left the line of the stubborn 72nd and, fully exposed to enemy bullets, rushed over to the 69th Pennsylvania, the left regiment of his brigade. It had stoutly held its ground, although the right half of the regiment had pulled away from the wall at almost a forty degree angle to give the men elbow room and to keep them from being outflanked. When Webb cried out for them to fire across the front of the 72nd regiment, they raked the Confederates with a crippling cross fire. To their rear 2 companies of Webb's 4th regiment, the 106th Pennsylvania, remained steady and resolutely blazed away at the charging enemy. On his way to the 69th PA regiment Webb passed within a few feet of Armistead as he was leading his men up the slope beyond the wall. The two Generals narrowly missed a personal encounter just as the fierce contest between their forces reached its climax. Within minutes Armistead fell mortally wounded, while Webb survived to relive the scene of his triumph for years to come.
Years later General George G. Meade was given a gold medal by the Union League of Philadelphia to "Commemorate the Battle of Gettysburg". He had copies of the medal made and gave one of them to Webb. Here is the reason that Meade gave the medal to Webb: "For distinguished personal gallantry on that ever memorable field" and in appreciation of his "Cordial, warm, and generous sympathy and support so grateful for a commanding General to receive from his subordinates."
Some years later, General Winfield Scott Hancock is attending a dinner being given by General Daniel Butterfield. There was a toast given at the dinner and Hancock responded: "In every battle and on every important field there is one spot to which every army [officer] would wish to be assigned -- the spot upon which centers the fortunes of the field. There was but one such spot at Gettysburg and it fell to the lot of General Webb to have it and to hold it and for holding it he must receive the credit due him."
Now these are two men who didn't go around complimenting people.....unless they deserved it. Congress must have agreed with them because a few years after the Civil War they presented him with a Medal of Honor.
Sometimes when we read about the Civil War, these men are just names or sometimes just a face.....but when we really understand what they did.....how they put themselves out there......how they did things that the average person would not do.....that when we start to realize just how much these guys are the real heroes on the battlefield. Alexander S. Webb is no exception.
Friday, January 22, 2010
Memorializing Stonewall Jackson
Here are what the waysides at Chancellorsville say about the memorializing the great Stonewall Jackson. I find the whole character of Stonewall Jackson very intriguing. So when I head down to Chancellorsville, I tend to find myself heading for the Stonewall Jackson spots....positions, or whatever. Here are the waysides:
Memorializing Jackson's Death
Of his soldiers he was the idol;
Of his country he was the hope;
Of war he was the master.
Senator John Warwick Daniel
When General "Stonewall" Jackson dies eight days after being wounded in these woods, shock waves rippled through the South. Confederates immediately memorialized him in words. "A greater sense of loss and deeper grief never followed the death of mortal man," wrote one artilleryman. Few felt Jackson's loss more keenly than Robert E. Lee, who confessed, "I know not how to replace him."
After the war local residents erected a small boulder about 60 yards from the site, to commemorate the generals wounding. That rock still stands amid the bushes to your left front. In 1888, 5000 people attended the dedication of the more formal monument in front of you.
Jackson Monuments
The effort to erect a monument at the site of Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson's mortal wounding began in February, 1887, when Fredericksburg newspaper editor Rufus Merchant founded the Stonewall Jackson Monument Association. On June 13, 1888, a crowd of more than 5000 spectators attended dedication ceremonies at the monument. Guests included the former Confederate cavalry general. Governor Fitzhugh Lee, whose vigilant scouting activities during the Battle of Chancellorsville contributed to Jackson's success. Prior to construction of the monument, Jackson's former staff officer's, Beverly Tucker Lacy and James Powers Smith, assisted by Lacy's brother, J. Horace, of nearby Ellwood Plantation, transported the large quartz boulder to the wounding site.
Memorializing Jackson's Death
Of his soldiers he was the idol;
Of his country he was the hope;
Of war he was the master.
Senator John Warwick Daniel
When General "Stonewall" Jackson dies eight days after being wounded in these woods, shock waves rippled through the South. Confederates immediately memorialized him in words. "A greater sense of loss and deeper grief never followed the death of mortal man," wrote one artilleryman. Few felt Jackson's loss more keenly than Robert E. Lee, who confessed, "I know not how to replace him."
After the war local residents erected a small boulder about 60 yards from the site, to commemorate the generals wounding. That rock still stands amid the bushes to your left front. In 1888, 5000 people attended the dedication of the more formal monument in front of you.
Jackson Monuments
The effort to erect a monument at the site of Thomas "Stonewall" Jackson's mortal wounding began in February, 1887, when Fredericksburg newspaper editor Rufus Merchant founded the Stonewall Jackson Monument Association. On June 13, 1888, a crowd of more than 5000 spectators attended dedication ceremonies at the monument. Guests included the former Confederate cavalry general. Governor Fitzhugh Lee, whose vigilant scouting activities during the Battle of Chancellorsville contributed to Jackson's success. Prior to construction of the monument, Jackson's former staff officer's, Beverly Tucker Lacy and James Powers Smith, assisted by Lacy's brother, J. Horace, of nearby Ellwood Plantation, transported the large quartz boulder to the wounding site.
Thursday, January 21, 2010
Stonewall Jackson's Death
I was going through some of my notes. It's amazing how many notes I have accumulated over the last couple of years. I've got notes on everything and anything. In looking through them, I found some notes that I took when I was visiting the Chancellorsville battlefield this past March. Here are what some of the wayside markers say about the death of Stonewall Jackson (something that I really taken an interest in):
A Fatal Reconnaissance
When "Stonewall" Jackson reached this point at about 9pm on May 2, 1863, he stood at the peak of his military career. Four hundred yards in front of you, a shaken Union army hastily built earthworks to halt the Confederate tide. One hundred yards behind you, Jackson's troops formed along the Bullock Road for what Jackson hoped would be a final and climatic night attack against the faltering federals. While the Confederates prepared, the general and a small group of attendants rode forward on the Mountain Road -- little more than a woods path -- to this point. Jackson could hear the axes of Union soldiers fashioning earthworks in front. One of his staff officers cautioned the general to go back. "The danger is over," he snapped, "The enemy is routed. Go tell A.P. Hill to press right on!" With that, Jackson continued his fateful ride toward the front.
Confederate Catastrophe
Near this spot around 9:15 pm on the night of May 2, 1863, the Confederate cause suffered a disaster. As "Stonewall" Jackson and his party returned from their reconnaissance down the Mountain Road, Confederate musketry erupted south of the Plank Road (Route 3). The scattered fire rippled northward, directly across Jackson's path.
A Confederate officer yelled, "Cease firing! You are firing into your own men!" Through the darkness, a voice shouted back: "Who gave you that order? It's a lie! Pour it into them, boys!" The flash from dozens of rifles illuminated the darkness. Two bullets crashed into Jackson's left arm, a third pierced his right hand. Later that night his left arm would be amputated. On May 10, 1863, Jackson died in a farm office at Guinea Station.
After the shooting, Jackson's horse bolted through the woods. Staff officers stopped the panicked animal and lowered Jackson to the ground near the site of the present monuments.
After Jackson was shot, attendants carried him to a field hospital behind the lines. There surgeons removed his wounded left arm.
The last portrait of Jackson, taken at a Spotsylvania County farm about ten days before his mortal wounding. Mrs. Jackson regretted that the image showed "a sternness to his countenance that was not natural."
A Fatal Reconnaissance
When "Stonewall" Jackson reached this point at about 9pm on May 2, 1863, he stood at the peak of his military career. Four hundred yards in front of you, a shaken Union army hastily built earthworks to halt the Confederate tide. One hundred yards behind you, Jackson's troops formed along the Bullock Road for what Jackson hoped would be a final and climatic night attack against the faltering federals. While the Confederates prepared, the general and a small group of attendants rode forward on the Mountain Road -- little more than a woods path -- to this point. Jackson could hear the axes of Union soldiers fashioning earthworks in front. One of his staff officers cautioned the general to go back. "The danger is over," he snapped, "The enemy is routed. Go tell A.P. Hill to press right on!" With that, Jackson continued his fateful ride toward the front.
Confederate Catastrophe
Near this spot around 9:15 pm on the night of May 2, 1863, the Confederate cause suffered a disaster. As "Stonewall" Jackson and his party returned from their reconnaissance down the Mountain Road, Confederate musketry erupted south of the Plank Road (Route 3). The scattered fire rippled northward, directly across Jackson's path.
A Confederate officer yelled, "Cease firing! You are firing into your own men!" Through the darkness, a voice shouted back: "Who gave you that order? It's a lie! Pour it into them, boys!" The flash from dozens of rifles illuminated the darkness. Two bullets crashed into Jackson's left arm, a third pierced his right hand. Later that night his left arm would be amputated. On May 10, 1863, Jackson died in a farm office at Guinea Station.
After the shooting, Jackson's horse bolted through the woods. Staff officers stopped the panicked animal and lowered Jackson to the ground near the site of the present monuments.
After Jackson was shot, attendants carried him to a field hospital behind the lines. There surgeons removed his wounded left arm.
The last portrait of Jackson, taken at a Spotsylvania County farm about ten days before his mortal wounding. Mrs. Jackson regretted that the image showed "a sternness to his countenance that was not natural."
Wednesday, January 20, 2010
What was Reynolds thinking?
Someone that I know asked me to spend a little bit of time doing some research and come back to him with my thoughts on what John Reynolds meant on July 1, 1863. Here is what he was concerned about: John Reynolds arrives in Gettysburg. He sees that John Buford is fully engaged with the Confederates. So he sends a message to George Meade: "The enemy is advancing in strong force and I fear that he will go the heights beyond the town before I can. I will fight him inch by inch, and if driven into the town, I will barricade the streets, and hold him back for as long as I can." His question was: which heights was he concerned about, Cemetery Hill or Seminary Ridge.
Now, I have always thought that Reynolds was talking about Cemetery Hill. But I thought that this would make a good research project for myself. So I have spent the past 4 days reading through all my books that deal with that particular part of the battle. And I have come to a conclusion. Now what I am about to write is merely MY OPINION but I will explain why I have come to this opinion.
John Buford was holding the heights west of town with just his cavalry. He had 2500 men. BUT anyone who knows anything about cavalry knows that when you dismount cavalry, one out of four of the men go to the rear to hold the horses. Which means that Buford was down to about 1800 men. Buford's 1800 men were holding off Archer's and Davis's brigades. That's a lot of men to be fighting against. Reynolds arrives before his men.
This is when he sent the message. Now, I really don't believe that Buford could hold those heights. All he was doing was slowing down the advance of the Confederates.
Every person (of importance) who arrived in Gettysburg was concerned about one place: Cemetery Hill. Cemetery Hill was basically free of trees and it was an imposing piece of ground overlooking the town. There was a lot of ground on the hill and it was fairly flat....a great place to put artillery pieces. Plus, the sides weren't steep....but a gradual slope. Another reason why it was ideal for artillery. Buford, Howard, Hancock, and others noted the importance of this hill. And that was the central location for the Army of the Potomac. John Reynolds was a professional soldier....he was trained on how to find and place his men on the important ground.
The only thing that might change my mind is a small passage that Abner Doubleday wrote in his book "Chancellorsville and Gettysburg". Here is what Doubleday had to say: "Reynolds had the true spirit of a soldier. He was a Pennsylvanian, and, inflamed at seeing the devastation of his native state, was most desirous of getting at the enemy as soon as possible. I speak from my own knowledge, for I was his second in command, and he told me at Poolesville soon after crossing the river, that it was necessary to attack this enemy at once, to prevent his plundering the whole state." So, does this mean that Reynolds wanted to fight the Confederates on the western side of town? Possibly, but Reynolds also knew that he needed men on Cemetery Hill....which he mentioned to Howard. Howard put some reserves on the hill. Then when the men were forced off the field of the First Days Battle, Howard and Hancock were able to regroup on Cemetery Hill....which they were able to hold throughout the battle.
So my conclusion is that we will never know exactly what Reynolds meant. He was killed before he could tell us....but based on the evidence, I truly believe that the heights that he was determined to save was Cemetery Hill.....the commanding heights over the town of Gettysburg.
Now, I have always thought that Reynolds was talking about Cemetery Hill. But I thought that this would make a good research project for myself. So I have spent the past 4 days reading through all my books that deal with that particular part of the battle. And I have come to a conclusion. Now what I am about to write is merely MY OPINION but I will explain why I have come to this opinion.
John Buford was holding the heights west of town with just his cavalry. He had 2500 men. BUT anyone who knows anything about cavalry knows that when you dismount cavalry, one out of four of the men go to the rear to hold the horses. Which means that Buford was down to about 1800 men. Buford's 1800 men were holding off Archer's and Davis's brigades. That's a lot of men to be fighting against. Reynolds arrives before his men.
This is when he sent the message. Now, I really don't believe that Buford could hold those heights. All he was doing was slowing down the advance of the Confederates.
Every person (of importance) who arrived in Gettysburg was concerned about one place: Cemetery Hill. Cemetery Hill was basically free of trees and it was an imposing piece of ground overlooking the town. There was a lot of ground on the hill and it was fairly flat....a great place to put artillery pieces. Plus, the sides weren't steep....but a gradual slope. Another reason why it was ideal for artillery. Buford, Howard, Hancock, and others noted the importance of this hill. And that was the central location for the Army of the Potomac. John Reynolds was a professional soldier....he was trained on how to find and place his men on the important ground.
The only thing that might change my mind is a small passage that Abner Doubleday wrote in his book "Chancellorsville and Gettysburg". Here is what Doubleday had to say: "Reynolds had the true spirit of a soldier. He was a Pennsylvanian, and, inflamed at seeing the devastation of his native state, was most desirous of getting at the enemy as soon as possible. I speak from my own knowledge, for I was his second in command, and he told me at Poolesville soon after crossing the river, that it was necessary to attack this enemy at once, to prevent his plundering the whole state." So, does this mean that Reynolds wanted to fight the Confederates on the western side of town? Possibly, but Reynolds also knew that he needed men on Cemetery Hill....which he mentioned to Howard. Howard put some reserves on the hill. Then when the men were forced off the field of the First Days Battle, Howard and Hancock were able to regroup on Cemetery Hill....which they were able to hold throughout the battle.
So my conclusion is that we will never know exactly what Reynolds meant. He was killed before he could tell us....but based on the evidence, I truly believe that the heights that he was determined to save was Cemetery Hill.....the commanding heights over the town of Gettysburg.
Saturday, December 5, 2009
The Chancellor House

would like to be able to find the area where he was wounded, but I have, as yet, been unable to locate the spot. I don't know what it is about Chancellorsville, though. It might have something to do with Stonewall Jackson. Every time I take the walk around the Visitors Center and see the monument to Stonewall Jackson or the stone that the veterans placed there to remember him, I get a chill. Funny thing, though, I'm not especially a huge fan of his. It's not that I don't like him, he just isn't one of my favorites. So I'm still not sure about the draw....but something is there.
One of the things that I really like to stop and take a good look at is the remains of the Chancellor House. All that really remains is the foundation but from walking around the foundation you get a good feel for the size of the house. It was huge. This wasn't just a small village house.
I've recently come across a biography of Isaac Sharp, a private in the 140th PA. His biography gives a little inside look at what part the Chancellor House played in the Battle of Chancellorsville. Here is what I found:
In March he had a severe attack of erysipelas [type of skin infection], which disabled him until May 1, when he shouldered his traps and joined in the march to Chancellorsville. Wearied and worn, they arrived on the field at 9 pm, on the evening of the third day of the month, and the next morning they took an advanced position facing toward Fredericksburg.
At this point a dispute arose between the leading generals. Hooker had given repeated orders to Couch to fall back, but the advantages of the position were so apparent that Hancock and Warren both advised Couch to stand his ground. Warren went to Hooker and explained the matter, which resulted in an order issued at 2pm for Couch to hold the position till 5:00. But Couch had begun his retreat, and said: "Tell General Hooker he is too late, the enemy is now on my right and rear, and I am in full retreat."
The regiment moved to a position to the left of the former place, and there the Unionists were on too high ground, and before an attack could be made had again moved. While making coffee at the Chancellor House, they were ordered out on double quick to repel an attack made where the Wilderness road turns down the hill. After this they were moved to the left brow of the hill, facing the river, and began throwing up trenches.
Meantime a terrible artillery engagement was being waged, of which the following is an accurate description given by Captain C. L. Linton, commanding: What wild eyes and blanched faces there were when the shells and solid shot came in from the right and rear of us! Orders coming to "about face, left in front," we advanced to the plank road in rear of the Chancellor House to support a battery.
The Fifth Maine had opened fire, to which the enemy replied so rapidly and accurately that almost all the horses and men were killed or wounded. Only two of the artillerists remained at their posts. While there the Chancellor House was seen to be on fire, a detail from Company F was made to remove the wounded therefrom. All this time the shot and shell were coming so thick and fast that it seemed one could not take his nose from the dirt lest he would have his head blown off. A call for volunteers was made to save the guns of the Fifth Maine battery. Upon looking back, whom should we see but our division and brigade commanders, General Winfield Scott Hancock and General Nelson A. Miles. A moment later came our corps commander, hat in hand, and hair streaming in the breeze. The call for volunteers was responded to by a rush from Company D, and a few from one or two other companies, through the concentrated fire of thirty guns, into a storm of shot and shell, in the face of Jackson's men infused with victory, and saved every gun.
Myself and Corporal I. Sharp in the rush, both grasped the limber of one of the guns at the same time and on either side. With superior effort we succeeded in raising it a few inches from the ground, when a solid shot or shell passed between us and under the limber. At that instant Sharp gave down, and i thought he was done for, but was rejoiced when Corporal Sayer and others lay hold to see him straighten up again. He had let down on account of the immense weight we were lifting. A corporal of the battery procured a rope, and we soon had the gun moving from the scene of action. The force attached was not sufficient to make fast time. Try as we did, we stuck once or twice when running against dead horse. Not having fully recovered from former sickness, over exertion brought on disease, and after remaining in the regiment a few weeks, Isaac Sharp was sent to the general hospitals at Columbia, D. C., Chestnut Hill, Philadelphia and Pittsburgh.
http://www.pacivilwar.com/bios/sharp_isaac.php
And here is an account from one of the family members who actually lived in the Chancellor House, Sue Chancellor:
"The house was full of the wounded. They had taken our sitting room as an operating room, and and our piano served as an amputating table....The surgeons brought my mother a bottle of whiskey and told her that she must take some and so must we all. We did....Upstairs they were bringing in the wounded, and we could hear their screams of pain." Sue Chancellor, a southern girl whose house provided the names for the battle of Chancellorsville, Virginia. Early the next morning, the sixteen women and children who were hiding in the basement during the battle were brought upstairs. Sue saw the chairs riddled with bullets, the piles of amputated arms and legs, and the rows of dead bodies covered with canvas. The house suddenly caught fire -- probably a shell burst -- and the terrified women and children stumbled out of the building as the pillars collapsed. Her home was completely engulfed in flames, and Sue, her mother, and her five young sisters became homeless refugees.
Friday, December 4, 2009
Winter of 1863-64

In the winter of 1863, my great great grandfather and the rest of his regiment (98th PA) spent their time in Brandy Station. This was the area in which the Army of the Potomac had their winter encampment (for some reason, I'm picturing Valley Forge). It was during this time that the 98th Pennsylvania's time was up and they had to decide to reenlist or not. My great great grandfather did, indeed, reenlist.
While studying his life.....what he did during the Civil War....and even after, I decided to do some checking up on what exactly happened in Brandy Station during that winter. I found two markers in Brandy Station that explain about life during that period. Here are what the markers said:
Marker 1
On the night of December 1, 1863, following its unsuccessful advance against Robert E. Lee's Confederate Army of Northern Virginia during the Mine Run Campaign, a cold and tired Army of the Potomac withdrew across the Rapidan River and returned to Culpeper County. On these fields and throughout most of Culpeper and part of Fauquier Counties, 100,000 Union soldiers set up a massive winter encampment that disrupted the lives of local residents. Union commander Major General George G. Meade ordered that the army establish its camps in an enormous oval-shaped configuration. As protection, an outer ring of cavalry pickets stretched around the army, backed up by an inner line of infantry. Supplies from Alexandria, Virginia rolled down the Orange and Alexandria Railroad into Brandy Station, the army's principle supply depot, and to Ingalls Station, 1.2 miles to the north. The encampment, which lasted from December 1, 1863 to May 4, 1864, was described by one soldier as a time "when the shattered regiments regained form and fair; when the new men learned the ways of the old, and caught the spirit of the organization they had entered...and the new body, thus composed, was to be thrown into one of the most furious campaigns of human history."
"A man could walk for miles and never leave the camps around Brandy Station." Anonymous Union Soldier
"A few weeks ago it was a wilderness; now it is a city of log huts, hardly a tree to be see." 126th New York Soldier
Marker 2:
The 1863-1864 winter encampment proved a busy time for the Army of the Potomac. "There was something fascinating about our winter city of 100,000 men," a staff officer recalled. "Many pleasant recollections cluster around the old camp at Brandy Station...history should know that our military service did not consist entirely of being shot at or trying to shoot at the other man." Thousands of new recruits joined the army and learned how to be soldiers. For members of the "old" regiments, the issue of re-enlisting was of grant interest; those who decided to sign on for "three more years" - or until the end of the war - were treated to a 30-day furlough, a $300 bounty, and special veteran stripes for their uniforms. Soldiers grumbled over the unpopular abolition of the First and Third Corps and the transfers of their regiments into other corps. In March 1864, following his appointment as general-in-chief of all the Union armies, Lieutenant General Ulysses S. Grant came to Culpeper County. Although George Meade continued to command the Army of the Potomac, Grant chose to make his headquarters in the field with his army and directed operations until the end of the war. Not two months later, in early May 1864, the men of the Army of the Potomac packed their knapsacks, fell into line, and left these camps for good. On May 4, they crossed the Rapidan River and marched to the Wilderness. Before the momentous and bloody Overland Campaign ended, nearly half of those who had spent the winter at Brandy Station would be dead or wounded.
Reading about this time in the history of our country just reminds me of how precious we should consider life. I can't imagine what they must have gone through....the lack of warmth, few clothes, no luxury items, were they wanting for food? With the Christmas season approaching, thinking about the struggles that the armies on both sides went through, how little they had, what they had to do without, etc., really makes me thankful for what I do have. I am not the richest person, sometimes I wonder how I am going to pay my bills, but they get paid, I have food, I have a place to live (and its in the most wonderful town ever), and I have clean clothes on a daily basis. Stopping and thinking about the past makes me even more thankful for the future. The slate is clean....we can do with the future whatever we want....so here is my question: What will we do with our future? Let's remember to look at the past so that we can look toward a bright future.
Sunday, November 29, 2009
Andrew Humphreys advance to Gettysburg
Humphreys advance into Gettysburg has always interested me. He started up the Emmitsburg Road and then was pulled onto Bull Frog Road by one of General Sickles staff. From there, they took a long way around the town of Gettysburg only to run head first into the Confederates. Fortunately, they weren't seen. So they snuck away. It was a long and difficult walk which only resulted in Humphreys men getting worn out. The original path would have been about 2 miles....the new and improved shortcut was about 8 miles. Here is General Humphreys words on telling the story of their advance into Gettysburg: When half-way to Gettysburg, a dispatch from General Howard to General Sickles, commanding the Third Corps, was delivered to me by Captain McBlair, of the staff, in which the latter general was warned to look out for his left in coming up to Gettysburg, and about the same time I learned from a citizen, who had guided part of General Reynolds' command that our troops occupied no ground near Gettysburg west of the road from that town to Emmitsburg. As we approached the crossing of Marsh Run, I was directed by General Sickles, through a staff officer, to take position on the left of Gettysburg soon as I came up. For reasons that will be apparent, from this statement I concluded that my division should from this point follow the road leading into the main road to Gettysburg, reaching the latter road in about a mile and a half, and at a distance from Gettysburg of about 2 miles; but Lieutenant-Colonel Hayden was positive that General Sickles had instructed him to guide the division by way of the Black Horse Tavern, on the road from Fairfield to Gettysburg. Accordingly, I moved the division in that direction, but, upon approaching the Black Horse Tavern, I found myself in the immediate vicinity of the enemy, who occupied that road in strong force. He was not aware of my presence, and I might have attacked him at daylight with the certainty of at least temporary success; but I was 3 miles distant from the remainder of the army, and I believed such a course would have been inconsistent with the general plan of operations of the commanding general. I accordingly retraced my steps, and marched by the route I have heretofore indicated, bivouacking at 1am on July 2 about 1 mile from Gettysburg and eastward of the Emmitsburg Road.
Now here is General Joseph Carr's (I Brigade II Division III Corps) version of the events: When about 1 mile from that town, General Humphreys joined the division, and resumed command. The column was guided by a civilian (a doctor) from Emmitsburg and Lieutenant-Colonel Hayden, assistant inspector-general of the corps. When about 3 miles from Gettysburg, we crossed Marsh Creek and advanced on the left-hand road about a miles, when we were suddenly halted by General Humphreys as a measure of precaution. Lieutenant-Colonel Hayden, who had been in advance with the guides, soon after rode up to General Humphreys, and stated that we were but 200 yards from the enemy's pickets. General Humphreys rode forward to the Black Horse Tavern, on the road from Fairfield to Gettysburg, and finding the information to be correct, and that the enemy occupied the road in heavy force, and believing that an engagement with him at the distance of 3 miles from the rest of the army, with the enemy between the army and his division, would be inconsistent with the plan of battle, faced the division about, and marched to the rear until striking the main road, upon which we proceeded to Gettysburg, reaching that place and going into bite bivouac at 1:30 am on Thursday, July 2.
Unfortunately, these are the only O.R. that I have been able to locate that talk about Humphreys advance. But in Harry Pfanz's book on the Second Day, I located just a bit more information. Here is what he says: Humphrey's caught up with his division a mile north of Emmitsburg and found it guided by Lt. Col. Julius Hayden, the inspector general of the 3rd Corps, and by a Dr. Anan of Emmitsburg. The division traveled northwest on a country road [Bull Frog Road] that angled from the main road [Emmitsburg Road] taken by Birney. At dusk the column reached Marsh Creek south of Black Horse Tavern on the Fairfield Road, where Wilcox's Confederate brigade waited. [1]
Finally, I have an excerpt from Richard Sauers book on the Meade-Sickles controversy: Humphreys was ordered to march via a road parallel to the Emmitsburg Road in an effort to prevent a clogging of the main artery. His men started off with no problems. Lt. Julius Hayden, inspector general on Sickles' staff, accompanied the column as guide. Sometime around 9pm, the head of the column approached Black Horse Tavern on the Hagerstown Road. By this time, Humphreys had become convinced that the road he was on was diverging too far from the reported Federal positions south of Gettysburg. He wanted to take a road that led off to the right, but Col. Hayden refused, maintaining that he had orders from Sickles to continue on to the assigned road.
Nevertheless, Humphreys was cautious about continuing so he and a small party went ahead to reconnoiter. The general noticed the glow of a number of campfires not far ahead, indicating the presence of troops. Suspecting that his brigades were about to encounter Confederates, Humphreys signaled a halt without the use of bugles. Lt. Francis W. Seeley, commanding Battery K, 4th U.S. Artillery, did not receive the order and his bugler sounded the halt. Shortly thereafter, a squad of Rebel artillerymen, thinking that the bugle call came from their battery, came up to report and were captured. Humphreys turned the column around as quietly as possible and eventually reached the Federal line on Cemetery Ridge at two o'clock in the morning of July 2, his soldiers thoroughly worn out and exhausted. This entire affair so disgruntled the General that he later wrote to a friend, "You see how things were managed in the Third Corps!" [2]
[1] Harry Pfanz's book on The Second Day, pg. 44
[2] Richard A. Sauer's book Gettysburg: The Meade-Sickles Controversy, pgs 26-27
Now here is General Joseph Carr's (I Brigade II Division III Corps) version of the events: When about 1 mile from that town, General Humphreys joined the division, and resumed command. The column was guided by a civilian (a doctor) from Emmitsburg and Lieutenant-Colonel Hayden, assistant inspector-general of the corps. When about 3 miles from Gettysburg, we crossed Marsh Creek and advanced on the left-hand road about a miles, when we were suddenly halted by General Humphreys as a measure of precaution. Lieutenant-Colonel Hayden, who had been in advance with the guides, soon after rode up to General Humphreys, and stated that we were but 200 yards from the enemy's pickets. General Humphreys rode forward to the Black Horse Tavern, on the road from Fairfield to Gettysburg, and finding the information to be correct, and that the enemy occupied the road in heavy force, and believing that an engagement with him at the distance of 3 miles from the rest of the army, with the enemy between the army and his division, would be inconsistent with the plan of battle, faced the division about, and marched to the rear until striking the main road, upon which we proceeded to Gettysburg, reaching that place and going into bite bivouac at 1:30 am on Thursday, July 2.
Unfortunately, these are the only O.R. that I have been able to locate that talk about Humphreys advance. But in Harry Pfanz's book on the Second Day, I located just a bit more information. Here is what he says: Humphrey's caught up with his division a mile north of Emmitsburg and found it guided by Lt. Col. Julius Hayden, the inspector general of the 3rd Corps, and by a Dr. Anan of Emmitsburg. The division traveled northwest on a country road [Bull Frog Road] that angled from the main road [Emmitsburg Road] taken by Birney. At dusk the column reached Marsh Creek south of Black Horse Tavern on the Fairfield Road, where Wilcox's Confederate brigade waited. [1]
Finally, I have an excerpt from Richard Sauers book on the Meade-Sickles controversy: Humphreys was ordered to march via a road parallel to the Emmitsburg Road in an effort to prevent a clogging of the main artery. His men started off with no problems. Lt. Julius Hayden, inspector general on Sickles' staff, accompanied the column as guide. Sometime around 9pm, the head of the column approached Black Horse Tavern on the Hagerstown Road. By this time, Humphreys had become convinced that the road he was on was diverging too far from the reported Federal positions south of Gettysburg. He wanted to take a road that led off to the right, but Col. Hayden refused, maintaining that he had orders from Sickles to continue on to the assigned road.
Nevertheless, Humphreys was cautious about continuing so he and a small party went ahead to reconnoiter. The general noticed the glow of a number of campfires not far ahead, indicating the presence of troops. Suspecting that his brigades were about to encounter Confederates, Humphreys signaled a halt without the use of bugles. Lt. Francis W. Seeley, commanding Battery K, 4th U.S. Artillery, did not receive the order and his bugler sounded the halt. Shortly thereafter, a squad of Rebel artillerymen, thinking that the bugle call came from their battery, came up to report and were captured. Humphreys turned the column around as quietly as possible and eventually reached the Federal line on Cemetery Ridge at two o'clock in the morning of July 2, his soldiers thoroughly worn out and exhausted. This entire affair so disgruntled the General that he later wrote to a friend, "You see how things were managed in the Third Corps!" [2]
[1] Harry Pfanz's book on The Second Day, pg. 44
[2] Richard A. Sauer's book Gettysburg: The Meade-Sickles Controversy, pgs 26-27
Wednesday, November 25, 2009
Stonewall Jackson
I just started reading a biography of Stonewall Jackson. Its amazing how many misconceptions I have about the man. I am very much aware of all the "strange" ideas that Stonewall had and I think I'm finally understanding why he was the way he was.
Thomas J. Jackson was known for his strange ideas. He never sat with his back against the back of a chair. Why? It caused your organs to get bunched up together. He never ate pepper because it caused pain in his left leg. He would ride his horse with his arm in the air. he sucked on lemons. When he taught school, he memorized the text book and just recited it. The list goes on and on. Stonewall Jackson was, indeed, a strange man. But what would cause him to go to such extremes. I think that we need to take a good look at his early life. This could explain a lot.
When he was very young, Thomas' father died. His father had been rather wealthy, but as fast as he would make money, he also spent money. So that by the time of his death, he was broke. Thomas' mother remarried shortly after, but she married a man who was broke as well. His mother and stepfather could not afford to raise him so they sent him to live with his father's brother who was rather wealthy himself. About a year later, Thomas's mother died. This all occurred by the time that he was seven years old.
My thoughts about the lifestyle that Stonewall Jackson chose as an adult, probably has a lot to do with the lack of control of his life that he had as a young boy. Then as a young adult, death seemed to surround him: his first wife died in childbirth, that child also died, he and his second wife had a child who died shortly after birth. It probably seemed to him that his life was swirling out of control. When you are spiraling like that, the only way to gain control is to control your actions....ALL your actions and I believe that he would do some of these things to keep some control in his life. It all seems so odd to us, now, but to Stonewall, these were perfectly normal.
I guess my main point here is that we can hear things about people and look at them as odd, strange, weird, whatever adjective you want to give them. But sometimes we have to take a good look into their lives to understand why they do the things they do. Sometimes tragedy in the lives of a person and drastically change their perspective....and then we have to stop and understand why they changed. This is one reason that I love to read biographies. We can delve into the lives of some of the leaders from the past and understand why they were the way they were. It makes history so much more interesting!
Thomas J. Jackson was known for his strange ideas. He never sat with his back against the back of a chair. Why? It caused your organs to get bunched up together. He never ate pepper because it caused pain in his left leg. He would ride his horse with his arm in the air. he sucked on lemons. When he taught school, he memorized the text book and just recited it. The list goes on and on. Stonewall Jackson was, indeed, a strange man. But what would cause him to go to such extremes. I think that we need to take a good look at his early life. This could explain a lot.
When he was very young, Thomas' father died. His father had been rather wealthy, but as fast as he would make money, he also spent money. So that by the time of his death, he was broke. Thomas' mother remarried shortly after, but she married a man who was broke as well. His mother and stepfather could not afford to raise him so they sent him to live with his father's brother who was rather wealthy himself. About a year later, Thomas's mother died. This all occurred by the time that he was seven years old.
My thoughts about the lifestyle that Stonewall Jackson chose as an adult, probably has a lot to do with the lack of control of his life that he had as a young boy. Then as a young adult, death seemed to surround him: his first wife died in childbirth, that child also died, he and his second wife had a child who died shortly after birth. It probably seemed to him that his life was swirling out of control. When you are spiraling like that, the only way to gain control is to control your actions....ALL your actions and I believe that he would do some of these things to keep some control in his life. It all seems so odd to us, now, but to Stonewall, these were perfectly normal.
I guess my main point here is that we can hear things about people and look at them as odd, strange, weird, whatever adjective you want to give them. But sometimes we have to take a good look into their lives to understand why they do the things they do. Sometimes tragedy in the lives of a person and drastically change their perspective....and then we have to stop and understand why they changed. This is one reason that I love to read biographies. We can delve into the lives of some of the leaders from the past and understand why they were the way they were. It makes history so much more interesting!
Sunday, November 15, 2009
32nd Massachusetts Aid Station
Situated on the Stony Hill in Gettysburg, across the road from the much visited Irish Brigade monument, sits a large boulder with a plaque on it. This area of the battlefield gets so few visits. I often wonder why, when people stop to get out and look at the Irish Brigade monument, they don't just walk across the road to visit the little grouping of monuments there....but often they don't. I've watched. And its a shame.
On this particular boulder sits a plaque that would be well for anyone to read:
Behind this group of rocks, on the afternoon of July 2, 1863, Surgeon Z. Boylston Adams placed a field hospital of the 32nd Massachusetts Infantry, 2nd Brigade, 1st Division, 5th Army Corps, established so near the line of battle, many of our wounded escaped capture or death by its timely aid.
So, you walk behind this boulder and sure enough, there is an area that is surrounded by boulders. It would be an ideal spot to place a field hospital....an aid station, if you will. I often stand and look at this particular spot and wonder what it must have been like for Dr. Adams and anyone who was working with him. They were right in the heat of the battle. The regiments were fighting right around where he was working to save the lives of those who fell. And save their lives, he did.
On this particular boulder sits a plaque that would be well for anyone to read:
Behind this group of rocks, on the afternoon of July 2, 1863, Surgeon Z. Boylston Adams placed a field hospital of the 32nd Massachusetts Infantry, 2nd Brigade, 1st Division, 5th Army Corps, established so near the line of battle, many of our wounded escaped capture or death by its timely aid.
So, you walk behind this boulder and sure enough, there is an area that is surrounded by boulders. It would be an ideal spot to place a field hospital....an aid station, if you will. I often stand and look at this particular spot and wonder what it must have been like for Dr. Adams and anyone who was working with him. They were right in the heat of the battle. The regiments were fighting right around where he was working to save the lives of those who fell. And save their lives, he did.
I tried to find some information, personal or otherwise, on this extraordinary man. There doesn't seem to be much out there. But I did locate this on the United States Army Medical Department Regiment website http://ameddregiment.amedd.army.mil/Leadership_Courage.asp:
Surgeon Z. Boylston Adams
Medical Corps
During the Battle of Gettysburg, Surgeon Adams showed great courage by working on the wounded of both armies for two days and three nights without sleep. The eye-strain and fatigue were so severe he finally collapsed. Surgeon Adams suffered an attack of blindness and remained in a state of severe exhaustion and was honorably discharged.
When I read stuff like this, it makes me realize that it wasn't just the soldiers who were the heroes, but the men behind the scenes, too. The men who treated the wounded, the men who drove the wounded to the hospitals, the men who drove the supply wagons, the men who helped with the horses, the men who we hear very little about: they were all heroes.
Dr. Adams would probably be forgotten except for this little plaque that no one really notices. I, for one, pay attention to it, and I, for one, salute him for helping the wounded in such horrendous circumstances. Here to you, Dr. Adams!
Saturday, November 7, 2009
Braxton Bragg

He was born in 1817 in Warrentown, North Carolina. He graduated from West Point in 1837. After West Point, he served in the Second Seminole War and the Mexican War...were he was promoted for "valor displayed" at the Battle of Buena Vista. In 1856 he retired from his military life and moved to his plantation in Louisiana to become a planter.
In 1861 when the Civil War began, he was appointed Brigadier General in the Confederate Army...he was concentrated in the Gulf Coast region. In 1862 he was assigned a command under Albert Sidney Johnston. But Johnston was killed in the Battle of Shiloh and Bragg was named Johnston's replacement....making him a full general. Then In June, 1862 he was named the replacement for P.G.T. Beauregard.
Just some of the battles that he took part in were: Shiloh, Perryville, Murphreesboro, Chickamauga, and Chattanooga. Because of a horrific loss at Chattanooga, he was removed from command and spent the remainder of the war as an advisor to President Davis.
After the Civil War, he settled in Alabama and Texas as a civil engineer.
Now, let me tell you a little story about this man. This story, whether its true or not, tells you a lot about this man, because whether it happened or not, many said that it could have.
At one point in the Civil War, Bragg was in command of both his Corps and was company quartermaster. Legend has it that he had a battle of wits with himself because he believed that he was correct on both accounts. As corps commander, he was requesting supplies for his troops, as quartermaster, he had to deny the request because they weren't necessary. Supposedly this paper "argument" got so heated that he ended up putting himself on report. This is a story I've heard repeated quite often but its never been as funny as the time that I heard Prof. Gary Gallagher tell it. Like I said before, I don't know if this really happened or not, but it does tell much about this man.
Monday, November 2, 2009
Lieutenant Church Howe, 15th Massachusetts

I've been doing a bit of reading on the Battle of Ball's Bluff. Sometimes, a person plays a role in a battle but unless they are a major name in the battle, they sometimes get overlooked. Lieutenant Church Howe is like this. But when you stop and really look into his life, you realize just how important he was throughout his life, not just in the Civil War. Church Howe is quite an interesting man. Let me tell you a little about him:
He was born in Princeton, Massachusetts on December 13, 1839 to Albert Carlton and Mary Jane (Carr) Howe.
In 1861 he enrolled in the army with the 15th Massachusetts Infantry. Initially he was the quartermaster for the regiment.
He fought in the battle at Ball's Bluff. Here is a little bit taken from the Worcester Spy:
Fifteenth Regiment - We learn that, under a flag of truce carried by Quartermaster Howe of the 15th, Thomas Taylor of Co. B. and J. Moffit of Co. E., together with a private of the California regiment, were returned on Jan. 4th, by the rebel authorities at Leesburg, all three severely wounded at the affair at Ball's Bluff. There was no pledge required of them that they would not
serve against the confederate states, but it is doubtful when, if ever, they will be able to.
Also, this was included in a letter home by Henry Clay Ward:
Quartermaster Howe found Willie Grout's body down near Chain Bridge, opposit Washington he had been picked up and buried four days ago. Howe had him dug up and could only recognize him by the marks on his clothing and letters in his pockets. He had him put in a coffin and sent home. Will probably be some relief to his father to get his body.
One thing to keep in mind here: Willie Grout had a song written about him. Well, not him personally, but about his circumstances. You might be aware of it: "The Vacant Chair".
The February 9, 1863 issue of the Worcester Daily Spy says this:
First Lieutenant Church Howe of Worcester to be captain, January 8, 1863.
Unfortunately, shortly after this, Capt. Howe was forced to retire from the army due to illness. But life wasn't over for this man. On June 16, 1863 he married Augusta C. Bottomly. Then in 1866, he was appointed (by President Johnson) Collector of Internal Revenue for 8th Massachusetts district.
Eventually, he moved to Nemaha County, Nebraska. And from there, he was appointed U. S. Consul to Palermo, Italy; Sheffield, England; Antwerp, Belgium; Montreal, Canada; and finally Manchester, England.
He died on October 7, 1915. He may be forgotten to some, but to me he is a hero!
Sunday, November 1, 2009
Hancock Visits Gettysburg
While playing around on the New Times website, I came across a couple of articles about General Winfield Scott Hancock's visit to Gettysburg in November of 1885. I copied them below. There are a few things that you need to keep in mind as you read these (which are fascinating by the way): a) His visit was Nov, 1885...he died Feb 9, 1886. b) It says that Wright's Brigade came "nearly to the battlefield line"....Wright claims to have broken that line. c) They don't call it "Pickett's Charge" but "Longstreet's attack". d) They went up the Round Top Observation tower. I'll have to check to see just when that was built. I wish I could have found an article about their third day visit....but none was located. I just really find all this fascinating! Read on and see if you are just as intrigued as I am!
Gettysburg, Penna. Nov 18
Gen. W. S. Hancock arrived here this evening accompanied by Gen. Francis A. Walker, Cols. J. P. Nicholson, George A. Bernard, J. B. Bachelder, Majs. W. W. D. Miller, E. W. Coffin, W. H. Lambert, Capts. J. V. Weir, and Paul Roemer, of the United States Army; Dr. F. E. Goodmand, and others. The arrival of the train was greeted with an artillery salute by Post 9, G. A. R. and General Hancock was received with great cheering, and escorted to the hotel. This evening, the General was serenaded by the Grand Army band, after which he held a reception in the parlors of the hotel. The party will visit the battlefield tomorrow, and endeavor to locate accurately the position of the different corps on the field.
Gettysburg, Penna, Nov. 19th
Although the weather was inclement, General Hancock, attended by General Walker, of his staff, historian of the Second Corps; Col. Wilson, Maj. Miller, Col. Bachelder, Government historian of the battlefield; Col. Nicholson, Recorder of the Grand Commandary, Loyal Legion, and others, visited the battlefield today. General Hancock paid particular attention to the positions of the left centre, where he commanded, identifying every point of interest. He pointed out where Willard's brigade met Barksdale of the afternoon of the Second day; where the First Minnesota charged Wilcox, of Alabama; where Wright's Georgians charged across the Emmitsburg Road nearly to the battlefield line on Cemetery Ridge, where Stannard's Vermont brigade saved Weir's battery; explained the position of Webb's Philadelphia brigade on the Third Day, and the nature of the Longstreet attack; pointed out the spot where the 19th Massachusetts and 42ns New York regiments lay, and where Col. Devereux, of the Nineteenth, asked permission to go to Webb's assistance and led the party to the positions of Stannard's brigade, whence they moved out attacking Pickett's flank. At each halt Colonel Bachelder, by request, gave a description of that particular part of the engagement. At the Wheat field Col. Wilson gave a detailed account of the engagement of Caldwell's Division, Second Corps. Other points were visited and noted, closing with the wide view from Round Top Observatory. Most of the party left for home tonight. General Hancock and Colonel Bachelder remain to visit tomorrow the position of the field in which the General was particularly engaged.
Oh, to be a fly on the wall for this tour. I would have given all my worldly goods (except maybe my books...but even that is up for debate) just to have tagged along and listened to what General Hancock was telling them. I envy every single person who was fortunate enough to have participated in the ultimate of tours.
Gettysburg, Penna. Nov 18
Gen. W. S. Hancock arrived here this evening accompanied by Gen. Francis A. Walker, Cols. J. P. Nicholson, George A. Bernard, J. B. Bachelder, Majs. W. W. D. Miller, E. W. Coffin, W. H. Lambert, Capts. J. V. Weir, and Paul Roemer, of the United States Army; Dr. F. E. Goodmand, and others. The arrival of the train was greeted with an artillery salute by Post 9, G. A. R. and General Hancock was received with great cheering, and escorted to the hotel. This evening, the General was serenaded by the Grand Army band, after which he held a reception in the parlors of the hotel. The party will visit the battlefield tomorrow, and endeavor to locate accurately the position of the different corps on the field.
Gettysburg, Penna, Nov. 19th
Although the weather was inclement, General Hancock, attended by General Walker, of his staff, historian of the Second Corps; Col. Wilson, Maj. Miller, Col. Bachelder, Government historian of the battlefield; Col. Nicholson, Recorder of the Grand Commandary, Loyal Legion, and others, visited the battlefield today. General Hancock paid particular attention to the positions of the left centre, where he commanded, identifying every point of interest. He pointed out where Willard's brigade met Barksdale of the afternoon of the Second day; where the First Minnesota charged Wilcox, of Alabama; where Wright's Georgians charged across the Emmitsburg Road nearly to the battlefield line on Cemetery Ridge, where Stannard's Vermont brigade saved Weir's battery; explained the position of Webb's Philadelphia brigade on the Third Day, and the nature of the Longstreet attack; pointed out the spot where the 19th Massachusetts and 42ns New York regiments lay, and where Col. Devereux, of the Nineteenth, asked permission to go to Webb's assistance and led the party to the positions of Stannard's brigade, whence they moved out attacking Pickett's flank. At each halt Colonel Bachelder, by request, gave a description of that particular part of the engagement. At the Wheat field Col. Wilson gave a detailed account of the engagement of Caldwell's Division, Second Corps. Other points were visited and noted, closing with the wide view from Round Top Observatory. Most of the party left for home tonight. General Hancock and Colonel Bachelder remain to visit tomorrow the position of the field in which the General was particularly engaged.
Oh, to be a fly on the wall for this tour. I would have given all my worldly goods (except maybe my books...but even that is up for debate) just to have tagged along and listened to what General Hancock was telling them. I envy every single person who was fortunate enough to have participated in the ultimate of tours.
Saturday, October 31, 2009
Pettigrew's Charge at Gettysburg
Many people have issues with the name "Pickett's Charge" because there were more divisions involved that just Pickett's....Pettigrew and Trimble also had divisions involved. Here, Birkett D. Fry, temporary commander of Archer's Brigade, tells his side of the "Pickett, Pettigrew, Trimble Charge", "Longstreet's Assault", or "Pickett's Charge". After reading this, YOU can decide WHOSE charge it was!
This is Birkett Fry's report. It was found in the Southern Historical Society Papers (Vol. 7, pg. 91-93). Enjoy!
In the numerous accounts of the battle of Gettysburg heretofore published, the writers have generally referred to the last effort made by the Confederate troops as "Pickett's Charge," and in almost every instance have conveyed the idea that no troops but Pickett's division took an active part in that fierce and tremendous struggle. Disclaiming any intention to detract in the least from the glory won on that day by the gallant Virginia division, or its heroic commander, who had then been for more than twenty years one of my most valued friends, I may be permitted to say that some injustice has been done to the division commanded by General Pettigrew.
As colonel of the Thirteenth Alabama infantry, I was attached to Archer's brigade of Heth's division. That brigade opened the battle on the morning of July 1st, and during the fighting which immediately ensued General Heth was wounded, and the command of the division devolved upon Brigadier-General Pettigrew. General Archer was captured, and i succeeded him in command of the brigade.
During the forenoon of the 3rd, while our division was resting in line behind the ridge and skirt of woods which masked us from the enemy, Generals Lee, Longstreet and A. P. Hill rode up, and, dismounting, seated themselves on the trunk of a fallen tree some fifty or sixty paces from where I sat on my horse at the right of our division. After an apparently careful examination of a
map, and a consultation of some length, they remounted and rode away. Staff officers and couriers began to move briskly about, and a few minutes after General Pettigrew rode up and informed me that after a heavy cannonade we would assault the position in our front, and added: "They will of course return the fire with all the guns they have; we must shelter the men as best we can, and make them lie down." At the same time he directed me to see General Pickett at once and have an understanding as to the dress in the advance. I rode to General Pickett, whose division was formed on the right of and in line with ours. He appeared to be in excellent spirits, and, after a cordial greeting and a pleasant reference to our having been together in work of that kind at Chapultepec, expressed great confidence in the ability of our troops to drive the enemy after they had been "demoralized by our artillery." General Garnett, who commanded his left brigade, having joined us, it was agreed that he would dress on my command. I immediately returned and informed General Pettigrew of this agreement. It was then understood that my command should be considered the center, and that in the assault both divisions should align themselves by it. Soon after the two divisions moved forward about a hundred paces, and the men lay down behind our line of batteries. The cannonade which followed has been often and justly described as the most terrible of the war. In it my command suffered a considerable loss. Several officers were killed and wounded, with a number of the rank and file. I received a painful wound on the right shoulder from a fragment of shell. After lying inactive under that deadly storm of hissing and exploding missiles, it seemed a relief to go forward to the desperate assault. At a signal from Pettigrew I called my command to attention. The men sprang up with cheerful alacrity, and the long line advance. "Stormed at with shot and shell," it moved steadily on, and even when grape, canister, and musket balls began to rain upon it the gaps were quickly closed and the alignment preserved. Strong as was the position of the enemy, it seemed that such determination could not fail. I heard Garnett give a command to his men which, amid the rattle of musketry, I could not distinguish. Seeing my look or gesture of inquiry, he called out, "I am dressing on you!" A few seconds after, he fell dead. A moment later - and after Captain Williams and Colonel George had been wounded by my side - a shot through the thigh prostrated me. I was so confident of victory that to some of my men who ran up to carry me off I shouted, "Go on; it will not last five minutes longer!" The men rushed forward into the smoke, which soon became so dense that I could see little of what was going on before me. But a moment later I heard General Pettigrew, behind me, calling to some of his staff to "rally them on the left." The roll of musketry was then incessant, and I believe that the Federal troops - probably blinded by the smoke - continued a rapid fire for some minutes after none but dead and wounded remained in their front. At length the firing ceased, and cheer after cheer from the enemy announced the failure of our attack. I was, of course, left a prisoner.
As evidence of how close was the fighting at that part of the line, I saw a Federal soldier with an ugly wound in his shoulder, which he told me he received from the spear on the end of one of my regimental colors; and I remembered having that morning observed and laughingly commented on the fact that the color-bearer of the Thirteenth Alabama had attached to his staff a formidable-looking lance head. All of the five regimental colors of my command reached the line of the enemy's works, and many of my men and officers were killed or wounded after passing over it. I believe the same was true of other brigades in General Pettigrew's command.
It is probable that Pickett's division, which up to that time had taken no part in the battle, was mainly relied upon for the final assault; but whatever may have been the first plan of attack, the division under Pettigrew went into it as part of the line of battle, and from the commencement of the advance to the closing death grapple, his right brigade was the directing one. General Pettigrew, who I know was that day in the thickest of the fire, was killed in a skirmish a few days later. No more earnest and gallant officer served in the Confederate Army.
B. D. Fry
Montgomery, Alabama, December 14th, 1878.
This is Birkett Fry's report. It was found in the Southern Historical Society Papers (Vol. 7, pg. 91-93). Enjoy!
In the numerous accounts of the battle of Gettysburg heretofore published, the writers have generally referred to the last effort made by the Confederate troops as "Pickett's Charge," and in almost every instance have conveyed the idea that no troops but Pickett's division took an active part in that fierce and tremendous struggle. Disclaiming any intention to detract in the least from the glory won on that day by the gallant Virginia division, or its heroic commander, who had then been for more than twenty years one of my most valued friends, I may be permitted to say that some injustice has been done to the division commanded by General Pettigrew.
As colonel of the Thirteenth Alabama infantry, I was attached to Archer's brigade of Heth's division. That brigade opened the battle on the morning of July 1st, and during the fighting which immediately ensued General Heth was wounded, and the command of the division devolved upon Brigadier-General Pettigrew. General Archer was captured, and i succeeded him in command of the brigade.
During the forenoon of the 3rd, while our division was resting in line behind the ridge and skirt of woods which masked us from the enemy, Generals Lee, Longstreet and A. P. Hill rode up, and, dismounting, seated themselves on the trunk of a fallen tree some fifty or sixty paces from where I sat on my horse at the right of our division. After an apparently careful examination of a
map, and a consultation of some length, they remounted and rode away. Staff officers and couriers began to move briskly about, and a few minutes after General Pettigrew rode up and informed me that after a heavy cannonade we would assault the position in our front, and added: "They will of course return the fire with all the guns they have; we must shelter the men as best we can, and make them lie down." At the same time he directed me to see General Pickett at once and have an understanding as to the dress in the advance. I rode to General Pickett, whose division was formed on the right of and in line with ours. He appeared to be in excellent spirits, and, after a cordial greeting and a pleasant reference to our having been together in work of that kind at Chapultepec, expressed great confidence in the ability of our troops to drive the enemy after they had been "demoralized by our artillery." General Garnett, who commanded his left brigade, having joined us, it was agreed that he would dress on my command. I immediately returned and informed General Pettigrew of this agreement. It was then understood that my command should be considered the center, and that in the assault both divisions should align themselves by it. Soon after the two divisions moved forward about a hundred paces, and the men lay down behind our line of batteries. The cannonade which followed has been often and justly described as the most terrible of the war. In it my command suffered a considerable loss. Several officers were killed and wounded, with a number of the rank and file. I received a painful wound on the right shoulder from a fragment of shell. After lying inactive under that deadly storm of hissing and exploding missiles, it seemed a relief to go forward to the desperate assault. At a signal from Pettigrew I called my command to attention. The men sprang up with cheerful alacrity, and the long line advance. "Stormed at with shot and shell," it moved steadily on, and even when grape, canister, and musket balls began to rain upon it the gaps were quickly closed and the alignment preserved. Strong as was the position of the enemy, it seemed that such determination could not fail. I heard Garnett give a command to his men which, amid the rattle of musketry, I could not distinguish. Seeing my look or gesture of inquiry, he called out, "I am dressing on you!" A few seconds after, he fell dead. A moment later - and after Captain Williams and Colonel George had been wounded by my side - a shot through the thigh prostrated me. I was so confident of victory that to some of my men who ran up to carry me off I shouted, "Go on; it will not last five minutes longer!" The men rushed forward into the smoke, which soon became so dense that I could see little of what was going on before me. But a moment later I heard General Pettigrew, behind me, calling to some of his staff to "rally them on the left." The roll of musketry was then incessant, and I believe that the Federal troops - probably blinded by the smoke - continued a rapid fire for some minutes after none but dead and wounded remained in their front. At length the firing ceased, and cheer after cheer from the enemy announced the failure of our attack. I was, of course, left a prisoner.
As evidence of how close was the fighting at that part of the line, I saw a Federal soldier with an ugly wound in his shoulder, which he told me he received from the spear on the end of one of my regimental colors; and I remembered having that morning observed and laughingly commented on the fact that the color-bearer of the Thirteenth Alabama had attached to his staff a formidable-looking lance head. All of the five regimental colors of my command reached the line of the enemy's works, and many of my men and officers were killed or wounded after passing over it. I believe the same was true of other brigades in General Pettigrew's command.
It is probable that Pickett's division, which up to that time had taken no part in the battle, was mainly relied upon for the final assault; but whatever may have been the first plan of attack, the division under Pettigrew went into it as part of the line of battle, and from the commencement of the advance to the closing death grapple, his right brigade was the directing one. General Pettigrew, who I know was that day in the thickest of the fire, was killed in a skirmish a few days later. No more earnest and gallant officer served in the Confederate Army.
B. D. Fry
Montgomery, Alabama, December 14th, 1878.
Sunday, October 18, 2009
Eschelman's Battery
Here is what is on the marker to Eschelman's Battery in Gettysburg:
C.S.A.
Army of Northern Virginia
Longstreet's Corps Artillery Reserve
Eschelman's Battalion
The Washington Louisiana Artillery
Miller's Squires, Richardson's, and Norcom's Batteries
Eight Napoleons and Two Twelve pounder howitzers
July 3. Arrived on the field before daylight and was engaged all day. Captured 1 three inch rifle.
July 4. At 9 am ordered to Cashtown to reinforce the Cavalry escorting the wagon train.
Losses. Killed 3, wounded 26, missing 16. Total: 45
Horses Killed and disabled 37. Guns disabled 3.
The marker is probably in the wrong location as the Battery was set up between the Smith house (Klingel) and the Rogers house on Emmitsburg Road.
It also says that they captured a three inch ordnance rifle but what it doesn't say is that the gun was found abandoned by the Battalion. Thompson's Battery left the gun behind when it moved back and was found by the Confederates.
But the thing that this battalion is probably best known for is that Miller's Battery was the battery who shot off the signal shots for the commencement of the Cannonade prior to Pickett's Charge. They were supposed to fire off 2 shots simultaneously but the one gun had a slight problem and the guns went off with a pause between the shots. Either way, it was the signal to begin the cannonade....the largest cannonade on North American soil.
I can't help but wonder if there are any statistics on the men in the batteries. How many of these men either went deaf during the war, or lost their hearing in years after the war? I wonder if anyone out there ever checked this out? It would be interesting to find out.
Jesse James and the Civil War
The other day I had the opportunity to watch a documentary on Jesse James. Having had no prior information on this notorious criminal, I thought this would be something that would help me understand the beginnings of our country. What I learned really kind of blew me away.
I did not know that Jesse James was in the Civil War. He was a Confederate guerrilla who's base of operations were the deep woods of Missouri. Throughout his lawless days, he used the tactics that he learned from the Civil War and applied them to robbing banks, trains, stage coaches and whatever else he decided that he needed to rob.
The James gang included his brother Frank, the Younger brothers, and some other fellows that he knew from his guerrilla days. This is probably why his robberies were so successful for him...using the tactics that they had learned...but the civilians that happened to be on the right side of the law during these escapades didn't know these tactics and ended up the victims of some of these horrible crimes.
Frank James didn't really want to be a part of this gang but was pulled in by his younger brother. At the end of all this lawlessness, Frank turned himself in, was acquitted in court and spent the rest of his days as a farmer in Tennessee. Jesse's life turned out quite different.
Before I talk a little more about Jesse, I think we should take a look at their parents. Their dad died when Jesse was quite small and his mom, Zerelda remarried. This documentary didn't talk too much about their stepfather, so I'm not sure what happened to him. But their mom was just as bad as her sons. When one of Allan Pinkerton's detectives showed up at the farm where she lived (and her sons were staying), the detective ended up dead, with a note attached to him stating that this is what would happen if they kept snooping around the farm. No one really knows who shot the detective, but it could have been any of them. Zerelda had as bad a reputation as her sons.
The Younger brothers were killed during a robbery and the gang sort of fell apart. After a few years, Jesse married his cousin...had two kids (a boy and a girl)....changed his name and tried to live a normal life. BUT he couldn't. The criminal world was calling. So, he rounded up a new gang and restarted his life of crime. His children never knew their real last name.
One day, Jesse was starting to pack up so that he could head out on another crime spree. It was a really warm day and he had to take off his coat. But he didn't want his neighbors to wonder why he was loaded up with guns, so he took his guns off (something that he NEVER did). He placed the guns on his bed. For some reason, he was on a ladder in his bedroom and one of his men walked in, saw the guns on the bed, Jesse on a ladder (with his back to the door), and the man had his opportunity. He pull out his gun, cocked it, and shot Jesse James right through the back of his head.
After the death of Jesse James, his reputation went from cold-blooded killer to national icon. He became larger than life. What wasn't being said was how he went around just killing people, robbing them, causing damage to the lives of these innocent people. He wasn't some sort of strange hero....he was a murderer who needed to be caught and executed. Sometimes you need to kill in order to save lives. I truly believe that even if he had been placed in jail, he would have gotten out. He had the means and the help.
If I hadn't watched this documentary, I never would have put a connection between the horrible things that Jesse James was known for and the Civil War. The War changed people...and not always for the best. This was one of those times that the War changed someone for the worse. But who knows, based on the way his mom was, maybe he would have ended up like this anyway.
I did not know that Jesse James was in the Civil War. He was a Confederate guerrilla who's base of operations were the deep woods of Missouri. Throughout his lawless days, he used the tactics that he learned from the Civil War and applied them to robbing banks, trains, stage coaches and whatever else he decided that he needed to rob.
The James gang included his brother Frank, the Younger brothers, and some other fellows that he knew from his guerrilla days. This is probably why his robberies were so successful for him...using the tactics that they had learned...but the civilians that happened to be on the right side of the law during these escapades didn't know these tactics and ended up the victims of some of these horrible crimes.
Frank James didn't really want to be a part of this gang but was pulled in by his younger brother. At the end of all this lawlessness, Frank turned himself in, was acquitted in court and spent the rest of his days as a farmer in Tennessee. Jesse's life turned out quite different.
Before I talk a little more about Jesse, I think we should take a look at their parents. Their dad died when Jesse was quite small and his mom, Zerelda remarried. This documentary didn't talk too much about their stepfather, so I'm not sure what happened to him. But their mom was just as bad as her sons. When one of Allan Pinkerton's detectives showed up at the farm where she lived (and her sons were staying), the detective ended up dead, with a note attached to him stating that this is what would happen if they kept snooping around the farm. No one really knows who shot the detective, but it could have been any of them. Zerelda had as bad a reputation as her sons.
The Younger brothers were killed during a robbery and the gang sort of fell apart. After a few years, Jesse married his cousin...had two kids (a boy and a girl)....changed his name and tried to live a normal life. BUT he couldn't. The criminal world was calling. So, he rounded up a new gang and restarted his life of crime. His children never knew their real last name.
One day, Jesse was starting to pack up so that he could head out on another crime spree. It was a really warm day and he had to take off his coat. But he didn't want his neighbors to wonder why he was loaded up with guns, so he took his guns off (something that he NEVER did). He placed the guns on his bed. For some reason, he was on a ladder in his bedroom and one of his men walked in, saw the guns on the bed, Jesse on a ladder (with his back to the door), and the man had his opportunity. He pull out his gun, cocked it, and shot Jesse James right through the back of his head.
After the death of Jesse James, his reputation went from cold-blooded killer to national icon. He became larger than life. What wasn't being said was how he went around just killing people, robbing them, causing damage to the lives of these innocent people. He wasn't some sort of strange hero....he was a murderer who needed to be caught and executed. Sometimes you need to kill in order to save lives. I truly believe that even if he had been placed in jail, he would have gotten out. He had the means and the help.
If I hadn't watched this documentary, I never would have put a connection between the horrible things that Jesse James was known for and the Civil War. The War changed people...and not always for the best. This was one of those times that the War changed someone for the worse. But who knows, based on the way his mom was, maybe he would have ended up like this anyway.
Saturday, October 17, 2009
Lost Bodies
I've been thinking a lot about the boys who fought both on the North and South. These guys were just normal everyday people just like the rest of us. They had families, jobs, responsibilities. But they did something that I don't know if I could do....they went off to war. And some of these guys never returned.
Most of these men and boys returned home....in coffins....but some have remained where they fell. And some of these guys are just now being found.
About thirteen years ago, a Confederate soldier was unearthed in Gettysburg. Just last October a New York soldier was discovered in Antietam. And now I read that a body was located in Franklin, Tennessee. Only this time, they have no idea which side he was on.
Every time I hear about a soldier's body being found, there is also a report about a funeral for him. Gettysburg buried him with military honors at Gettysburg National Cemetery. Antietam had him reinterred in New York....right where he belongs....but not without a ceremony in Antietam and then again in New York. Franklin had a grand funeral for him, but it wasn't just for him....it was for all the soldiers. I'm so glad that these boys, regardless of which side they were on, are receiving the proper burials that they deserve.
Going off to war today is a little different than it was 150 years ago. The chances of being killed in a war today are quite a bit slimmer than they were during the Civil War, although those chances still exist...and the weaponry is quite different. But these men stood, literally, in front of these muskets, rifles, and cannons and, more or less, dared them to shoot them. And many did get shot....and many died. I could not do it. I am too much of a wimp to allow myself to be put in a situation like that. These men were anything but wimps. Even the shirkers were still braver than I could ever be.
I will never look down at any soldier, Union or Confederate, who fought. These men are my heroes....every single one of them (even the guys I don't like....like Dan Sickles....are still my heroes). I'm so glad that the National Parks are getting involved in the reinterment of these men and that they are allowing us, the civilians, to get a glimpse of what and who these men were.
Like I said before, these guys are my heroes and I'm so glad that we can be apart of honoring them for what they did!
Most of these men and boys returned home....in coffins....but some have remained where they fell. And some of these guys are just now being found.
About thirteen years ago, a Confederate soldier was unearthed in Gettysburg. Just last October a New York soldier was discovered in Antietam. And now I read that a body was located in Franklin, Tennessee. Only this time, they have no idea which side he was on.
Every time I hear about a soldier's body being found, there is also a report about a funeral for him. Gettysburg buried him with military honors at Gettysburg National Cemetery. Antietam had him reinterred in New York....right where he belongs....but not without a ceremony in Antietam and then again in New York. Franklin had a grand funeral for him, but it wasn't just for him....it was for all the soldiers. I'm so glad that these boys, regardless of which side they were on, are receiving the proper burials that they deserve.
Going off to war today is a little different than it was 150 years ago. The chances of being killed in a war today are quite a bit slimmer than they were during the Civil War, although those chances still exist...and the weaponry is quite different. But these men stood, literally, in front of these muskets, rifles, and cannons and, more or less, dared them to shoot them. And many did get shot....and many died. I could not do it. I am too much of a wimp to allow myself to be put in a situation like that. These men were anything but wimps. Even the shirkers were still braver than I could ever be.
I will never look down at any soldier, Union or Confederate, who fought. These men are my heroes....every single one of them (even the guys I don't like....like Dan Sickles....are still my heroes). I'm so glad that the National Parks are getting involved in the reinterment of these men and that they are allowing us, the civilians, to get a glimpse of what and who these men were.
Like I said before, these guys are my heroes and I'm so glad that we can be apart of honoring them for what they did!
Saturday, October 10, 2009
Death....where is thy sting?
The deaths of the soldiers is something that, unless we have actually experienced it ourselves, is something that we can never completely understand. These are men who had families but gave their lives for their country.....something only a hero would do. When I start thinking about it, it becomes more than my poor mind can handle.
After the Battle of Gettysburg (and I only use this as an example because these sorts of things occurred after EVERY battle in the Civil War) the civilians were more or less left to clean up the mess. Contacting the loved ones of these heroes was something that frequently was done by the civilians. Here is a letter that I found that shows just what a "typical" letter to a family member was like. This letter is talking about having the remains shipped home.
Mr. C. B. Burns
My dear Sir
The remains of your brother was sent to the express office yesterday. I saw them disinterred the day before -- I found a grave (marked with his name) alone, back of the barn on the Walter [Weible] place, the front teeth as you described Sound. The clothing was so decayed that I could not recognize them. The buttons were not brass guilt as you described but military. The neck tie being silk was not fully rotted. So also a small military flag which I suppose he had pocketed as a trophy as also his shoulder straps all of which I have -- & they are subject to your order. I have not at present the liesure to prepare pack & send them to you. The board that stood at the head of his grave is in the box & whoever marked it will be able to recognize it -- trusting I have satisfactorily attended to the trust. I have the pleasure of being very
Respectfully yours,
J.W.C. O'Neal
After the Battle of Gettysburg (and I only use this as an example because these sorts of things occurred after EVERY battle in the Civil War) the civilians were more or less left to clean up the mess. Contacting the loved ones of these heroes was something that frequently was done by the civilians. Here is a letter that I found that shows just what a "typical" letter to a family member was like. This letter is talking about having the remains shipped home.
Mr. C. B. Burns
My dear Sir
The remains of your brother was sent to the express office yesterday. I saw them disinterred the day before -- I found a grave (marked with his name) alone, back of the barn on the Walter [Weible] place, the front teeth as you described Sound. The clothing was so decayed that I could not recognize them. The buttons were not brass guilt as you described but military. The neck tie being silk was not fully rotted. So also a small military flag which I suppose he had pocketed as a trophy as also his shoulder straps all of which I have -- & they are subject to your order. I have not at present the liesure to prepare pack & send them to you. The board that stood at the head of his grave is in the box & whoever marked it will be able to recognize it -- trusting I have satisfactorily attended to the trust. I have the pleasure of being very
Respectfully yours,
J.W.C. O'Neal
Saturday, October 3, 2009
Captain Chase Philbrick

This man happens to be the reason the Battle of Ball's Bluff even took place. Not that HE did anything wrong, but it was the start of a chain of events that just kept snowballing....leading straight to the battle itself. It was an overwhelming Confederate victory and the end result was the forming of the Joint Committee on the Conduct of the War. All this for a little mistake.
It all started on October 20, 1861. There had been a lot of troop movement on both sides of the Potomac River....nothing serious, just a lot of movement. Keep in mind, this was three months after the 1st Battle of Manassas. The majority of the troops had never been in a war...nor a battle....before and these events were all new to them.
So, around midnight on the 20th....going into the 21st....Chase Philbrick and about 20 men were sent across the Potomac River to see just what was happening in Leesburg. Were the Confederates there or not? So, the men got to the other side of the River (after crossing Harrison's Island) and took the cow path up the side of the bluff. They walked across the field and followed the cart path to the top of a hill (today, it is in the area where the housing development ends and the park begins).
When they reached the top of the hill, they used the moon light to look down into Leesburg to see if there were campfires, movement, etc. They stood and looked. Suddenly they saw tents....quite a few of them....off in the distance. But there was no movement, no campfires, nothing to make them believe that they were being used. So, Captain Philbrick took his men, they recrossed the river and the Island and told what they had seen.
The next morning, as the sun came up, a group of 100+ men, recrossed the river and the island, followed the same path that the Philbrick group had followed and recrossed the field via the cart path. When they got to the top of the hill, they looked towards where Philbrick and his men saw the abandoned tents (which they were sent to raid) and realized that what the men saw in the moonlight were actually trees.
So, disappointed, the men went back to the bluff and waited while one man recrossed the river and the island, and report what they had found. Now, at this point, I should mention that if the entire group had recrossed the river, this reconnaissance mission would be a footnote in the annals of history....something that very few, if any, would ever remember. But they didn't cross it....they stayed.
While they were waiting for word on what to do, the Union troops had a little run in with some Confederates out on patrol. And to make a long story short, the Battle of Ball's Bluff had begun. This is a lesson that we all can learn from, when we do something (even if it seems to be something really small...like not crossing a river) the results can effect us for the rest of our lives. Many, many men were killed and wounded during this battle....all because they mistook some trees for a tent.
It all started on October 20, 1861. There had been a lot of troop movement on both sides of the Potomac River....nothing serious, just a lot of movement. Keep in mind, this was three months after the 1st Battle of Manassas. The majority of the troops had never been in a war...nor a battle....before and these events were all new to them.
So, around midnight on the 20th....going into the 21st....Chase Philbrick and about 20 men were sent across the Potomac River to see just what was happening in Leesburg. Were the Confederates there or not? So, the men got to the other side of the River (after crossing Harrison's Island) and took the cow path up the side of the bluff. They walked across the field and followed the cart path to the top of a hill (today, it is in the area where the housing development ends and the park begins).
When they reached the top of the hill, they used the moon light to look down into Leesburg to see if there were campfires, movement, etc. They stood and looked. Suddenly they saw tents....quite a few of them....off in the distance. But there was no movement, no campfires, nothing to make them believe that they were being used. So, Captain Philbrick took his men, they recrossed the river and the Island and told what they had seen.
The next morning, as the sun came up, a group of 100+ men, recrossed the river and the island, followed the same path that the Philbrick group had followed and recrossed the field via the cart path. When they got to the top of the hill, they looked towards where Philbrick and his men saw the abandoned tents (which they were sent to raid) and realized that what the men saw in the moonlight were actually trees.
So, disappointed, the men went back to the bluff and waited while one man recrossed the river and the island, and report what they had found. Now, at this point, I should mention that if the entire group had recrossed the river, this reconnaissance mission would be a footnote in the annals of history....something that very few, if any, would ever remember. But they didn't cross it....they stayed.
While they were waiting for word on what to do, the Union troops had a little run in with some Confederates out on patrol. And to make a long story short, the Battle of Ball's Bluff had begun. This is a lesson that we all can learn from, when we do something (even if it seems to be something really small...like not crossing a river) the results can effect us for the rest of our lives. Many, many men were killed and wounded during this battle....all because they mistook some trees for a tent.
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